Dáil Statement: Pre-EU Council

Dáil Statement: Pre-EU Council

It is entirely understandable and correct that the issue in Palestine has dominated this debate so far. However, I draw attention to the fact that Opposition speakers have so far concentrated entirely on that issue to the exclusion of all else. We have other issues coming before this European Council that are maybe not as pressing or urgent but are as important. There is no mention at all of nature restoration. There is no mention at all of the mid-term review of the multi-annual financial framework. The Acting Chair will know the importance of that type of review in a European context. We are deciding now on funding that will travel into the next mandate of the European Union. There is no mention of the future-proofing of economies. There is no mention of Russia and that it will undoubtedly use the fact that eyes of the world are elsewhere. There is no mention of the Sahel and the destruction that will be caused in the wider region, in particular in the developing world, again as the eyes of the world are elsewhere.

We absolutely need to focus on what is happening in Palestine, but we also have to keep an eye to those other important matters that will be discussed at this Council. I will first pick up on a point made by Deputy Bacik about context. I was listening to a guy called Spencer Ackerman. He was talking about the idea that the presentation of context is now made scandalous. It is one side or the other. It has been so black and white. It is entirely reasonable to able to say I support Palestine while repudiating the actions of the likes of Hamas, that I can empathise with the bereaved fathers and mothers of Israel while at the same time deploring the actions of the Israel Defense Forces, IDF, for engaging in collective punishment. Being able to sit something within context as António Guterres did, in no way undermines some notional purity of condemnation. We absolutely know that the actions of Hamas were wrong, and I strongly believe the response of Israel, in particular in its exercise of collective punishment, is in no way proportionate to that. It is possible to hold those two positions at once.

Over recent years, the European Union and the idea of a European Union has been tested in a way I do not think it ever has before. I think we passed that test in the case of Ukraine. I was surprised by the unity of purpose shown by the EU in responding to that crisis, notwithstanding the actions of some within the European Union. However, we have to acknowledge that unity of purpose will be more difficult to achieve in the context of what is now happening in Palestine. The Taoiseach referenced the complex history Germany has in this regard. It carries a generational guilt for the atrocities done under the German flag during the Second World War. I do not think it is any harm that Ireland has traditionally been sympathetic to the cause of Palestine. Notwithstanding the context that exists, that voice will be needed within the European Union. I hope we will be the voice to push back. We all back Israel’s right to defend itself. It has a right to respond. I understand 100% the anger and fury felt by many in Israel, but we should also be the voice in the European Union putting the case that the actions of the Israelis cannot be stood over. We should be that voice for de-escalation. We should be that voice for a humanitarian ceasefire. We should be a voice calling for the meaningful opening of the Rafah crossing, not eight trucks or 20 trucks per day but the 100 trucks per day the UN has told us are necessary. We also have to be a voice calling for the unconditional release of hostages. We have to be a voice calling for cool heads to prevail and provide some sort of space. We have a track record of this in our own country, from moving from violence to dialogue and toward the formation of some kind of lasting peace. It is difficult to see a pathway to peace from where we stand now, but we should nevertheless be advocating for it.

I turn to the multi-annual financial framework, which is under review at the moment. It is crucial for the functioning of the European Green Deal that it is adequately financed. In particular, I think about the nature restoration law. I welcome that in 2026 and 2027, about 10% of the annual spend of that long-term budget will be dedicated towards halting and reversing the decline of biodiversity. That is extremely important The Common Agricultural Policy will not do the heavy lifting in terms of the type of land management change we need to achieve. We should also look at investment in biodiversity in urban environments. Natural Capital Ireland spoke to the Joint Committee on Environment and Climate Action yesterday. It talked about how €1 invested in natural capital can provide a return of up to €38, in particular if spent in urban environments. It provides outcomes around health, quality of life, the liveability of our urban environment, and things like sustainable drainage, which we recently saw the need for in east Cork and west Waterford, which is my part of the world. It is important we push back on some of the rhetoric we see developing across the EU in terms of, I suppose, political posturing ahead of the next election. Traditional political groupings are responding to those populist and reactionary voices, and are pushing back against things like the Green Deal and the nature restoration law. We have to push for adequate investment in those, because one of the other issues to be discussed is the future-proofing of economies and that kind of long-term planning. We need to think out to 2050, and there has been some interesting work from the EU Policy Lab on this. Unless we plot our way to a biodiverse and nature rich carbon net zero reality, looking at how that can be achieved by 2050 and using that strategic foresight to plot our way back, incremental tinkering around the edges in terms of how we reform our economies are not going to do the job. We need that longer term thinking. As a quick word on future-proofing, that will also be an important piece. I referenced the EU Policy Lab, which has done interesting work on towards a fair and sustainable Europe in 2050. We need to be planning on that long-terms basis because planning from one electoral cycle to another is not going to do the job and we know that.

I turn to the issue of the International Criminal Court. We absolutely need to push for the prosecution of Russian forces in particular, for example, for the forced deportation of children. We absolutely need to do it for the collective punishment we see in Gaza at the moment. We have to be a voice for strengthening our international institutions. It has, unfortunately, too often been the case that international institutions like the UN or the International Criminal Court are effectively ignored. The international community has not been able to bring people to justice for the crimes they commit during war. I again emphasise the need to maintain focus on what is happening in Russia, not just for its impact on Russia and Ukraine but also the impact it is having in the wider region and in particular across the Sahel. I think there have been nine military coups in sub-Saharan Africa in recent times. A lot of this is going to happen when the eyes of the international community are elsewhere. While we absolutely need to focus on the situation in Palestine, we also need to make sure we are keeping watch on actions elsewhere in the world.